This article combines learning exchanged in 4 events hosted by the Global Grassroots Support Network (GGSN) on June 2023, Sept 26th 2023, Nov 25th 2024, and Oct 30th 2024.
Our June call was an opportunity for GGSN members from India to give an overview of the situation in their region, and of the challenges they’re facing. Our September call brought together folks to discuss challenges and approaches for addressing rising authoritarianism generally. Our November call was a funder education event on the state of grassroots activism globally. Our October call featured discussion on accountability to launch our Accountability checklist, which coincides with our collaboratively developed Charter for equitable relationships between NGOs/funders and grassroots groups.
This summary does not cover all aspects of this topic. Rather, it provides a snapshot for some of the challenges and strategies relevant to grassroots organizing and support around the globe.
Quotes from discussion have been anonymized.
Overview of the situation in Southeast Asia
Waves of autocratization have been non-linear; most Southeast asian countries are in the same position.
“In Thailand, the biggest progressive party was dissolved by the monarchy. Smaller political parties were also dissolved. Myanmar is the biggest issue in the region, where the Junta facilitated a coup. In the Philippines, Marcos and Duterte continue to hold power; all power lies in two families. They have killed thousands of people in their war on drugs. In Indonesia, a murderous general is now president. In New Zealand, the conservatives have gained power. This is very reflective of the situation in Asia.”
Grassroots activists are pushed underground due to advanced surveillance.
“The Chinese government had drones fly over us and take photos to manipulate and amplify; these kind of tactics are used to scare activists in Thailand, China, the Philippines, this is happening all across Asia. Activists are hesitant to engage with cross-border organizations because of the real threats they’re facing. Especially in regions like Myanmar, beyond security and democratic backsliding, there are so many other issues they’re grappling with too.”
A culture of security is more important than the platforms themselves.
“We are proactive with simulation audits, and scenario mapping to identify different risks. We have developed our own templates and tools for categorizing information and identifying who needs to have access to what. When contacting government officials, we rely on the back up of organizations to not expose our personal identities. Services like proton are safer but have a barrier of accessibility due to the prices. If a government wants to take you, they will despite the tools used. If we focus too much on security issues, we become alienated for acting on human right, since we feel like we are committing a crime. It is necessary to keep a balance.”
The main expressions of resistance; political parties exist in most of these countries, or they form new groups but find difficulty grappling with power.
“There’s trans-local and transnational approaches, such as the Milk Tea Alliance. It started with a # on twitter, which transformed from an expression of resistance into a space to collaborate and collectivize people. The alliance has come together against the occupation in Hong Hong, and for Thailand for the dissolution of their political party, and now for Myanmar. We are also present in the streets.”
Overview of the situation in India
The political context across the country
“For the last 10 years, the government has had openly fascist agendas. Minority groups, Indigenous communities, coastal communities and farmers are all groups that continue to be vulnerable alongside everybody who is fighting for civil rights…
These groups are also facing increasing amounts of climate threats. The Indian political landscape is not acting on the climate crisis. Even the other somewhat moderate political leaders and parties are yet to show awareness of the crisis.”
Context in Kashmir
“Young people are joining armed resistance, with no other option against the military state. The state is using chemical weapons to punish them. Locals are also punished; they’re framed and killed for crimes they didn’t commit. The media has been silenced. The government is taking land for tourism projects.
There is no political space in Kashmir. Leadership, journalists, activists are behind bars to send a message to people not to act. Civil societies are not producing research; the goal is to survive these times. The human rights commission is not working across the country, but especially in Kashmir. Cases can’t even be registered.”
Context in Jammu
“Jammu is Hindi majority area, there’s some repression in the area. There have been internal issues between Kashmir and Jammu since 1947, which have been exploited by fascist government. The strategy of the government has been disconnecting these regions economically, so the local economies have been disrupted, with resources being corporatized. The government has worked to polarize these groups from their interdependence, and severe dialogue between Jammu and Kashmir.
Our climate action group began in 2019. We have a law in Jammu that prevents assembling for protests. However, many topics are depoliticized, such as environmental projects. There was no interference from police, just surveillance. Notably, Hindu communities (like the majority involved in this group) have more privilege.”
There’s a serious lack of legal support.
“A lot of youth collectives do rapid response, and when activists get arrested, there’s no structure for support in India. Amnesty and Greenpeace have programs where they provide immediate assistance to activists if they get arrested. But in India, we don’t have that. It’s just DIY solutions, no lawyers.”
Overview of the situation in East Africa
Some countries seem peaceful, but upon closer look this is not the case.
“In Rwanda, when you enter the country things seem orderly. When you talk to human rights activists, while things are going well in the government, civil society spaces are shrinking. People cannot criticize the government. You see heavy military and police presence after 7pm, which is very intimidating.”
Freedom of expression is limited in Kenya. Activists are disappearing (being taken by the government).
“I use performing arts to convey political messages… if we touch on governance they might come for us. We try to be objective, and we try to be cautious in our performances. We hide some phrases, and are strategic in our messaging. For example, an artist used a monkey to symbolize the government.”
Zimbabwe is not friendly for activists.
“During the July/August summit, we feared the regime challenging our demonstrations. We build movements around localized issues. They aren’t seen as threatening to the regime. National issues flag the Government as concerning. The government has also closed civil society spaces, so it’s difficult to do workshops and meetings, especially in rural areas… We bring community members to towns, train them, and give them the tools they need to implement as locals. The regime is more threatened by NGOs than community members.”
Kenyan finance bill protests (against tax increases) were successful.
“Mobilizations were led by grassroots groups, with considerations for women, youth, and disabled people… Certain organizations could have been targeted by the government, but they could not identify a single specific organizer. Decentralization was the strength. These mobilizations activated people that were not involved in activism before, which is now having lasting impacts on movements in the country.”
Overview of the situation in Türkiye
The 2016 failed coup was a turning point. The regime change came with rising oppression on media, civil soviety, academia and the judicial system, which became puppets to the government.
The main opposition won many big cities in local elections in 2024; you can still change local government through local elections.
[This information has been updated since this call was held in 2023.] “Until 19 March 2025, the regime was widely classified as a competitive authoritarian system: elections were held and a media landscape formally existed, yet the government exercised pervasive control over state institutions and democratic safeguards. Elections were considered considerably free, and they constituted the primary—if increasingly fragile—mechanism sustaining the country’s claim to democratic governance.
However, the events of 19 March 2025 marked a decisive rupture. Following what is widely referred to as the 19 March coup, the arrest of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Mayor and the main opposition’s presidential candidate, Ekrem İmamoğlu, signaled a transition to a new regime phase. This development represents a shift from competitive authoritarianism to a fully authoritarian regime, in which electoral competition no longer functions as a meaningful constraint on executive power.”
Marginalized groups (refugees, women, LGBTQIA+, animal rights activists) are targeted by government and media.
“In particular, LGBTI+ rights defenders have faced a marked escalation in judicial harassment, including the systematic misuse of criminal investigations, prolonged trials, and other punitive legal measures. This trend has been accompanied by a rise in arbitrary detentions and arrests, often justified through vague public morality, national security, or public order narratives, further shrinking the space for legitimate human rights advocacy.”
The government can’t do what they want directly, as there are democratic mechanisms (e.g. a constitution). There’s still anxiety around this being taken away.
“We are seeking alternative ways to resist; it forces innovation, but is hard to do continuously.”
Communications campaigns on social media platforms are key because there are no restrictions on social media.
“If you use International human rights language, and not directly attacking the government, you are okay. We’ve learned how to strategically relay our message.”
The state has been controlling the mainstream media, so journalists have started their own independent organizations, and youtube channels.
“Mainstream media ratings tanked, vs independent journalists are seeing millions of views.”
There are 3 pillars of social groups on the streets despite police violence; the feminist movement, Kurdish political movement and LGBTQ+ movement.
“Police came to our main political square to block it off for pride, so organizers moved their site, secretly, so police didn’t know about it. Were able to hold ground for 10 minutes, which was impactful to the community. Security and risk planning is a necessity.”
How rising authoritarianism is impacting funding
Laws on preventing financing terrorism are being created to investigate civil society organizations, to prevent funding from abroad, and to shrink civil spaces. Funders are giving up on countries when things get bad, leaving grassroots more exposed.
Accounts are being frozen, and activists are being arrested, which incurs additional costs and financial insecurity.
Government responses to NGOs vs the grassroots
Usually the first targets are International NGOs.
“When we support groups local to the countries, it’s harder to contest that there’s international interference.”
The government claimed foreign actors were fueling protests in Kenya and Uganda.
“The ministry of foreign affairs couldn’t prove this. It’s an easy scapegoat for the Governement when people are demanding accountability.”
People find ways to organize.
“I don’t believe in the concept of shrinking civil spaces anymore… Whether through artivism, or community organizations. After the 2010s, authoritarianism began to rise in many regions. But, people started engaging in local communities. People come together, try to solve it, then disperse. Human rights organizing shifted to people making their own community spaces.”
Ongoing challenges to NGO/grassroots partnerships (to fight authoritarianism)
There are divides within funding organizations/NGOs. Some people say we need to listen to the grassroots, others are more conservative. This can be influenced by geography, hierarchy, and whether staff do grassroots organizing and/or are part of marginalized groups themselves.
Funding and decision making is often top-down. Groups are implementing donor, rather than community, wants/needs. Funder/NGO priorities often shift, which restricts long term planning, sustainability and effectiveness.
The institutionalization of groups can slow things down and de-radicalize their actions and approach. There are also clear power dynamics between precarious organizers and paid staff. NGOs can become ‘brokers’ between funders and the grassroots, when the grassroots isn’t funded directly due to ‘risks’.
What support could look like
- Peer-to-peer knowledge exchange spaces to share lessons from other countries where authoritarianism is strong.
- Apprenticeship and continued eduction programs to support activists and groups self reliance.
- Community and independent media needs to be funded.
- Protection networks such as a legal hotline for local advice.
- Solidarity beyond statements, such as cross-border alliances for targeting the government embassies of neighbouring countries
- Examples of alternative systems being created for self-sustaining communities
- Rather than big companies coming into other countries, local private companies can invest in resistance as local funders; good for business.
- The work of organizers (funding for grassroots work) can be explained as service contracts to avoid surveillance.
- Translation support; language barrier creates a lack of access to resources.
