• Sandra Portela, Xinca community member, Director of Alternativas de Desarrollo para las Juventudes y las Mujeres (ADEJUM) Izabal, Guatemala
• Christy Nag, Adivasi community member, Core member of Umul, an Adivasi led organisation in Dooars, West Bengal
• Christian Jake S. Tabara, Youth Campaign Officer for the Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM), the Philippines
• Leonard Mabasa,  Director for the Buhera Residents Network Trust, Zimbabwe

Speakers addressed how Indigenous land theft historically, and presently, is driving the need for land resistance efforts, and that there is no ‘just transition’ off fossil fuels without addressing the needs of the Global South. 

More specifically, the presenters touched on; how communities can be empowered through storytelling, that building up a diverse community network builds resilience, that building broad alliances with one common goal is effective, and empowering most affected community members with knowledge and skills builds ownership.

“There was an old proficiency that would say that when the planets are about to collapse, we need to become warriors of the rainbow. And this is important to recognize and value our colours, our differences. And this comes from inside, to the outside because we know that oppression and inequality is already there.” -Sandra Portela, Director of Alternativas de Desarrollo para las Juventudes y las Mujeres (ADEJUM) Izabal

You can access the whole edited transcript here.

You can view and hear the full english recording of the session here:

And vea y escuche la grabación completa en español de la sesión aquí:

La transcripción en español se puede consultar junto con la grabación de YouTube.

Indigenous land theft historically, and presently, is driving the need for land resistance efforts

IN INDIA: Community education and storytelling empowers community members to take part in resistance efforts

The British built the tea plantations (pictured below) in Adivasi communities through violent coercion and deception. Adivasis were held captive for labour, and were denied land rights and mobility. The colonial state supplied just enough to keep them alive to exploit their labour. 

“Due to the colonial state they had easy access to land, but to establish the tea plantation they needed a huge workforce… they uprooted and displaced Adivasis from their village.. they lost their forest, they lost their rivers, they lost their way of life and what did they get here? A life with no dignity.” -Christy Nag

In 1951, the plantation labor act was supposed to guarantee housing, healthcare, food and education to permanent workers. No tea company has implemented the act in full in Assam and in West Bengal. Around 50% of the workforce in the tea gardens are temporary workers, who do not have statutory rights. 

The minimum wage act was enacted but does not cover tea plantation workers. Tea workers earn about $1.38 USD)/hour less than the minimum wage. The image below shows some of the temporary workers of tea the plantations.

“There is again silence from the state and the unions have failed… in 2023 what the West Bengal government decided is to give away land to the tea companies. Earlier the land was given to the tea companies on lease, but in 2023 West Bengal government said okay we will make the tea companies owners of the land.

Here the key question is what will happen to the homes? What will happen to the workers living and working in the tea garden? The other thing is this amendment [says the land can be] used for tourism. It can be used for an industrial park. There’s no limitation to the usage of land.” -Christy Nag

The tea gardens land has 2 zones; one is the cultivation zone (managed by companies). The other is the village zone where people have built their homes and have kitchen gardens. Communities are declaring the land where they have been living and surviving, is theirs historically.

“From Umul, we organize a community library and we work with children and youth and women, primarily talking about what we have been discussing [in this event]. We have extended discussion around these things with the communities, primarily knowing our own story, our histories, what are the laws, and the other work that we do is around collectivization.” -Christy Nag

Question for Christy: How and why unions have failed in India?

“If we look into the union structure at the ground level, there are workers who are doing the footwork of the union, and at the top level you will not find workers and you will not find Adivasis. It is led by the Bengalies. So, even if they start negotiations with the state and the tea companies, slowly over time they give up because it is not their fight at the end of the day. 

In West Bengal, the Trinamool congress party is the ruling party and at the national level BJP is the ruling party who have formed the government in West Bengal. West Bengal is run by trinamul congress and India is run by BJP, it has formed the government in India… The unions are affiliated either with TNC or with BJP, and in Assam BJP has formed the government…. when the union is affiliated with the ruling political party, then the same political party is designing laws with the colonial mindset.” -Christy Nag

Follow and amplify Umul: Instagram

IN GUATEMALA: Developing a diverse community network builds community resilience; a necessity against violence

ADEJUM collective is formed by women and Indigenous youth, trans women and non-binary people in the rural areas. They live in Machacas Puerto Barrios in Guatemala. The Machacas river provides water for communities of the region. 

The water system is collapsing due to several projects that are related to fertilizer production, and oil and gas. The projects are being positioned over rivers and lakes, and the main root of the Machacas river. 

ADEJUM collective is resisting 5 projects. They have been persecuted with firearms of high caliber for their resistance to a project that is close to the river bend of the Machacas river. The river is an ancestral area for recreation, fishing and bathing. 

“This has forced us to move from our territory, [and caused the] social death of our community. Collectively it has made us invisible also to keep our colleagues safe, to keep a low profile, and also to understand when we can raise the bar, raise our profile and when we need to keep quiet in order to protect our safety.” -Sandra Portela

The projects are changing the ecosystems of swamps in the region. This is causing destruction to homes, notably impacting marginalized community members such as children, disabled people and elderly people. Sandra explained that species of duck and chickens that drink the water are dying, and they fear for their children that play and fish in the water. This is shown in the images above, shared by Sandra.

The collective has brought the issues to authorities through different voices and channels, from people who understand and live in the community. 

“We are Indigenous people, Xinca, Maya and there’s a wide diversity of people living here in this area and we are trying to move forward step by step and we always say that fear is inherited and we are trying not to pass down fear to our children. We’re trying to raise our voices because we know that we don’t want our children to be scared from their guns.” -Sandra Portela 

Community members are trying to participate in the recovery of the water systems through clean up days and forest replants. Some community members are shown in images shared above by Sandra, anonymized to protect their identities. The collective is fighting for the recognition of the river as a sacred being, not just a resource, to be honoured, supported and enjoyed by generations to come.

“We’re trying to develop the community network through different activities, related sports, cleanups, campaigns to prevent violence. We’re also trying to develop our traditions and communicate with our sacred spirits for them to give us the kind of strength to save our water system.” -Sandra Portela

Their call to action includes the protection of different species present in the Machacas, many of which have been lost. They are seeing animals coming back to the area. The collective needs communications support from organizations to prepare their storytelling and narratives to buy the swamps land for it’s protection.

This image, shared by Sandra, is of a local Otter threatened by activity from the projects they are resisting.

Follow and amplify ADEJUM Izabal:

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          • Update on the criminalization of Machacas River defenders
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There is no ‘just transition’ off fossil fuels without the Global South – examples in the Philippines and Zimbabwe

IN THE PHILIPPINES: Broad alliances with one common goal are building widely supported campaigns

Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM) is a coalition of mining affected communities, local organizations. ATM is not advocating to ban all mining. Rather, they are advocating for an end to large scale mining which exploits mineral resources, undermining the value of land to Filipinos.

In the Philippines, there are 6 financial agreements with over 103 hectares of land being mined. There are 49 registered community mines.

“This mining is also exacerbated with the just transition that the global north is pushing for the energy transition for solar energy, wind energy or e vehicles. But there are communities in the Philippines that are suffering because of these transitions. So the just transition is kind of absent in the process and there are sacrifice zones like the Philippines, Indonesia and some parts of the global south.” –Christian Jake S. Tabara

The image shared above is of mining resistance in Cibuan Island, Harlon. Police are shown assisting a mining truck with the transfer the mineral ores.

Where there’s mining, there’s drought, air pollution, water pollution from their extraction, and other kinds of pollution. There’s also a disruption of livelihood for farming, fishing and the use of ancestral domains.

“[There is a] biologically dead river in uh Marindok, one province in the Philippines. So they declared the river as biologically dead, meaning after the tragedy where the mine tailings were, [they] spilled in the river and up until today the river is totally dead.” –Christian Jake S. Tabara

Based on the global witness report, the Philippines is the number one place in Asia where land and environmental defenders are threatened, and worse, being killed. The Philippines is third in the whole world after Brazil and Colombia.

In the Philippines, companies are joining the race for a position like Senate or Congress to ensure that there’s no laws being passed that delay their businesses. There is weak legal enforcement of environmental laws and accountability mechanisms. The government or the ministry of environment is selling the Philippines to foreign investors, effectively greenwashing mining operations in the country.

“We do community assemblies, Indigenous councils in Barangai level or village level to raise awareness amongst mining affected communities and create support from those who are not directly affected. Say, for example, in Metro Manila or universities near mining affected communities. And we also create solidarity networks among farmers, fisher folks, youth and translating it into more marginalized sectors like women, members of the LGBTQ, disabled people. So we’re also in the process of creating policies for these things and then we also have public campaigns, legal and policy engagement and cultural resistance.” –Christian Jake S. Tabara

Calls to action for the public include advocating to learn more about the effects of mining, and to support grassroots efforts through donations, volunteering and amplifying their stories. Create and share content to highlight local struggles and victories, and advocate for community-based alternatives like solidarity economies, ecotourism and agroecology.

For the government, they are calling on officials to enforce stricter environmental regulations, ensure environmental laws are observed, and to prioritize renewable energy and a just transition in communities.

The video above sums up the work of ATM. It includes a song composed by young people in the Philippines called “Ipamana Huwag Ipamina.” Ipamana means to inherit or to pass on. Huwag means don’t and is for mining. it translates to inherit it, don’t mine it.

Question for Jake: What lessons can you share about how you can build power together with organizations across diverse perspectives?

“We’re engaging the Catholic church as well because they have a push for influence. I mean, they are good partners when it comes to conservation of the environment. Then we have different religious groups as well, and academic institutions. So what we need to do is to create a popular version of our research so people from different sectors are engaging with it.” -Christian Jake S. Tabara

Follow and amplify Alyansa Tigil Mina:

• • • • • Website
        • Facebook
        • Instagram
        • Music video for Ipamana, Huwag Ipamina
        • Music video for Ipaglalaban ko, lupang sinilangan ko
        • You can also follow the Youth Empowerment for Climate Action Platform (YECAP):
          • Website
          • Facebook
          • Instagram

IN ZIMBABWE: Empowering most affected communities with knowledge and leadership skills builds momentum

The Zimbabwe government is projected to have a 12 billion economy by 2030 due to an abundance of natural resources (lithium, gold, phosphate, coal, diamond, nickel, iron etc). In Buhera (average population of 170,000), land represents life, stability, dignity and livelihood.

23 households were pushed from their ancestral land to relocated in Murambinda, an urban area. In 2024, it was found that the mining company Sabar Mine paid, who paid for each family to build a five room house, prejudiced their land size by 70 square meters to 120 square meters. 1,910 square meters were stolen by the local authority.

Engagement meetings were done in 2024 to compensate for the white collar crime. Compensation has not been done. The case is still being pursued.

“2 million litres of water is required to process one ton of lithium. Pollution of underground water and contamination in mine communities is a cause for concern. We did water testing for one bowl in 2024 and the results showed high nitrates, meaning the water is not suitable for drinking. The burden is for women, children, and [disabled people who] walk nearly 2 km distance to look for clean water as shown [in the picture above]. They fetch water a distance from their residence and they were using a vehicle that was offered by the counsellor in ward 14. ” -Leonard Mabasa

The image above, shared by Leonard, is of a burial shrine after the exhumation process. There was no emotional support for the deceased’s families.

Excessive abrasion of water causes water scarcity. Dust pollution impacts flora, fauna and over 2,000 school children along the 30 km gravel road that links the main road and the mine.

“Issues to do with harassment, intimidation and sexual exploitation are issues in the line of work. Below 18 years in terms of the law are not eligible for marriage or any form of sexual engagement. But because of mining, the girl child is at risk of sexual manipulation.” -Leonard Mabasa

Buhera Residents Network is empowering local women with knowledge and training, and documenting human rights violations. They keep online (including social media) and print media informed on the injustice happening at and around the mining site.

“To build a strong united front through the Buhera resident trust, we have trained 25 women to be women human rights defenders so that they can speak of injustice in their settlement. This is beefed up by 22 community leaders whom we train to document violations, be it environmental, social, economic or political.” -Leonard Mabasa 

The next tool they are trying to employ is exploring the Ramsar convention guidelines. They are assessing whether the wetland can be accorded a national or international wetland status, which may aid in conservation efforts.

Follow and amplify Buhera Residents Network:

• • • • • Facebook
        • For news updates, join the Enviropress Zimbabwe WhatsApp group

The post Building power with land defenders appeared first on Blueprints for Change.

Managing internal conflicts is crucial for the success of broad-based organizing efforts, as unresolved tensions can lead to fragmentation, working at cross-purposes, and even the dissolution of movements. By strengthening internal capacity in tools that can address these challenges, movements can build resilience, foster collaboration, and maintain the alignment necessary to achieve their goals.

“Mediation for Movements: Managing Intra-Movement Conflict” was held on April 16, 2024, co-hosted by The Horizons Project and the Global Grassroots Support Network. This event was part of the Intermestic Learning Exchange Series hosted on the Democracy Resource Hub.

Webinar Transcript

The global panel of speakers included:

• Zelda Holtzman, formerly of Tshisimani Centre for Activist Education, South Africa
• Ruhie Kumar, Heatwave Action Coalition, India
• Wendy Wood, The Karuna Center, US
• Lisa Schirch, Kroc Institute, University of Notre Dame, US

Identity-Based Differences

Identity-based differences, such as racial, cultural, and generational backgrounds, can create significant tensions.

Ruhie Kumar, a climate activist from India, shared this story:
“I observed two groups and they were very specific. There was a group of queer women and people who are not identifying as men, and another group identifying as men. These two groups really wanted to be acknowledged and heard about what they were really feeling, but as one group they were not able to express that. Communication, it was constantly in that conflict zone…
In the two separate calls, the tone was very different because people were able to express themselves in a safe space. Safety is really essential to this sort of communication.”

• It can help to create spaces for different identity groups to express themselves separately before coming together.
• Learn how you can directly address marginalization and division that can occur within movement building from this Mobilization Lab resource: Do Better and Win Bigger by Taking on Marginalisation by Kaytee Ray-Riek.

Ideological and Strategic Differences

Ideological and strategic differences often come to the surface when members express divergent views on goals, priorities, and tactics.

“We often talk about civic engagement as something that we need to do in democracy for our governments but [it’s] really [about] being able to involve people in a movement in the decision making about the movement’s goals and tactics. …When you have a community that is fractured and even experiencing extreme cancel culture by both sides, the ability even for people to sit and talk to each other is gone. Deliberative technologies, like Polis, enable just a little bit of safety and ability for people to be able to talk on what are their shared commitments are. What are their shared values or principles.” says speaker Lisa Schirch, a movement mediation trainer and facilitator.

• If we can re-focus on shared interests and values, we can often re-establish common ground.
• Learn how you can communicate about common values with diverse audiences using Beautiful Trouble’s tool for seeking common ground.

Interpersonal and Relational Conflicts

Interpersonal and relational conflicts are inevitable when you are bringing together diverse coalitions and groups with different experiences, power, and priorities. When unaddressed, they can harm movement alignment and solidarity and erode trust.

“I’ve found that as the polarization has continued… that these feelings of isolation, anger, frustration, fear and so much more are starting to spill over into these organizations themselves. And for the people that work so diligently within these organizations.  It’s important to “develop skills related to what to do when differences arise,” affirms speaker Wendy Wood, co-founder of the Karuna Center for Mindful Engagement.

• Supporting intra-movement mediation capacity can help movement organizers and activists to hold dialogue and implement processes for understanding and restoration with coaching and guidance from a credible and trusted source.
• Connect with local mediation centers to learn about contextualized trainings they may offer to support your movement’s internal mediation capacity and check out this guide on Where to Start: Restorative Justice.

Structural and Systemic Challenges

Structural and systemic issues, rooted in historical legacies and internalized oppression, can create deep-seated tensions.

“Unity doesn’t come automatically; it’s a continuous engagement,” reinforces speaker Zelda Holtzman, anti-apartheid activist and trainer.

• Engaging in nonviolent direct action tactics that reinforce your movement’s common vision and points of connection can help foster alignment around the positive change you want to make and fortify movements from external pressure.
• Deepen your capacity with this mini-masterclass on the three tips of coalition building: “Why coalition building isn’t about the coalition: Listening, leading, and making change happen from Future Advocacy and Mobilisation Lab.
  • Dive deeper into these tips in their Creative Coalitions Handbook.

Organizational Capacity & Culture

Tensions are common when people are overworked and unable to approach the work with the intention and attention to building and sustaining a healthy, resilient, movement culture. But this is easier said than done.

“Early conflict management is essential for strong coalitions,” affirms Lisa Schirch.

• One strategy that can help is offering movement organizers space to attend trainings and coaching sessions that help strengthen internal capacity for conflict management.
• Visit the Democracy Resource Hub directory to check out organizations and networks who offer training on a number of different topics, including mediation and conflict transformation.
• “Principles of Co-operative Conflict Resolution” offers five tips from peacebuilding to help you de-escalate tense and challenging situations.
• Bridge-Building and Power-Building An Ecosystem Approach to Social Change [PDF] shows how the skills/tools of activists, bridge-builders, and organizers can mutually reinforce one another.

Q&A

In this section the speakers answered questions specific to their work:

Zelda Holtzman: What challenges and opportunities are emerging for movements building broad-based coalitions in South Africa and elsewhere?

Link to video (8 min)

Wendy Wood: What does mindful engagement involve, and how can it strengthen movements? Could you suggest key skills for handling conflicts within and between movements?

Link to Video  (6 min)

Ruhie Kumar: Could you describe the tensions you’ve faced in organizing movements and how they were addressed? What should people understand about how organizers manage conflicts, and how can non-activists support these efforts?

Link to Video (4 min)

Lisa Schirch: What insights or tools have proven effective for mediators within movements? How can deliberative technology improve mediation processes in social movements?

Link to Video (3 min)

Additional Learnings from Participants

The following ideas and insights from people who participated in the event.

Identifying and Addressing Tensions

• Recognize that fragmentation is the most difficult tension, and there is no one-size-fits-all solution.
• Acknowledge the importance of recognizing our own power and choosing whether to transfer, engage, maintain, or challenge it.
• Be aware that movements may have different goals, even when working side-by-side, such as the tension between stability and transformation.
• When bringing together practitioners across different fields and approaches, go back to the vision to determine when and how to engage with people in power.
• Differentiate between individuals and the system, personalize the struggle, and view people as potential agents of transformative consciousness.

Support and Initiatives for Intra-Movement Mediation

• Address the cultural denial of conflict and create spaces to transform it.
• Recontextualize conflicts within the larger movement strategy, recognizing that we are a movement of many movements.
• Conduct 1:1s with change-makers to help them engage constructively.
• Create parallel engagements that are less polarized to build relationships and navigate disagreements.
• Implement circle processes where leaders answer prompts to move away from cross-talk.

Building Credibility and Legitimacy

• Build internal capacity to avoid escalation, as mediators are often called in late.
• Approach mediation gently, focusing on skill-sharing and building confidence.
• Provide formal trainings on mediation and conflict management to build capacity and legitimize conflict as a normal part of movement-building.
• Organize listening circles within communities to hold space, problem-solve, and build confidence.

The post Mediation for movements: managing intra-movement conflict appeared first on Blueprints for Change.

GGSN members were considering: We have people who are valued driven leaders who present themselves for election, who build power. But after elections, what’s your role? What skills and knowledge have you gathered? How can that be deployed to continue momentum, and to prepare for the next elections?

Quotes from group discussion have been anonymized.

In many countries, elections are increasingly untrustworthy avenues for change

Organizers from Kenya, Uganda, India, Japan, and the U.S. agreed that elections are not always democratic in practice—especially in increasingly authoritarian systems. But, even flawed elections can still be used as tools for organizing, relationship-building, and resistance, rather than just as moments to win or lose seats.

“In places like ours, do elections really matter — and if not, how do we turn them into tools for organizing and resistance anyway?”

Examples of how organizations around the world respond

We looked at 5 examples to map the different roles that organizations are taking to build power and lead to success in the elections that follow; base-building, political education, policy campaigns and internal pressure.

Example 1: Democratic socialists of America. After losing key races in 2022, NYC-DSA:

• Ran local policy campaigns and won in 2023
• Built tenant and worker bases (rent strikes, unions)
• Coordinated mutual aid and solidarity networks
• Used mass door-knocking to support organizer-candidates → culminating in Zohran Mamdani’s 2025 mayoral win

Example 2: After Labour won in 2024, Momentum UK:

• Trained organizers in political education
• Applied internal party pressure through policy and leadership organizing

Example 3: After winning a congressional seat in 2025, Gabriela in the Philippines:

• Filed electoral fairness complaints
• Continued grassroots organizing on women’s health, labor, and migrant justice
• Advanced international solidarity work

Example 4: After 2024 elections, KA.DER Türkiye:

• Documented gains/setbacks for women in politics
• Advocated legal and structural reforms
• Ran public education and media campaigns on gender and participation

Example 5: Future Elects Africa prepares candidates year-round through:

• Leadership development programs
• An app for entry-level political education

“These candidates reflected deeply on what they built during the election process. They took notes and made a commitment not to let that power disappear. They deliberately organized around the same resources they had developed — the people, relationships, understanding of the community, and their ability to communicate in inspiring ways. They used all of it to keep holding their government accountable.” 

Individuals and grassroots organizations have roles to play outside of elections

Are we ready for the next election? Or are we just preparing to defend ourselves again instead of shaping the narrative and strategy?”

Real power is built through:

Educating your community.

“Voter registration numbers in Kenya — especially among youth, who are the majority — were extremely low. That tells us something is wrong with how we organize. Either people have lost faith in the system and don’t believe they can create change, or they’ve become completely disengaged.”

Bringing community members together.

“Because of social media, nuclear families, and migration, many families are scattered…  We don’t talk to our neighbours… There’s little unity and a weak sense of collectivism — less recognition that we are interconnected, and that harm to one group eventually affects everyone.”

Understanding different community interests.

“Even though I didn’t win the seat, I carried these [electoral campaign] lessons back into my activism. Now, when I’m in community dialogues or organizing spaces, I always ask: Who should be in the room? Who has influence here? Who has a direct interest in this issue?”

Valuing everyone’s contribution (knowledge, skills, influence, connections—not just money or titles).

“During protests in Kenya in 2024, many of the people who showed up were young people with no formal roles or titles. But they had numbers, energy, and commitment. And that mattered.” 

Showing up consistently in small, practical ways.

“We’re helping [young people] submit written memos [in budget hearings and development forums]. And when they do, about 90% of those ideas actually make it into county or national plans. That shows people that participation works.”

Documenting abuses of power.

“Even in that [internet shutdown], people on the ground kept documenting abuses and injustices. When the internet was restored, we shared everything. We had planned for repression, and that preparation mattered.”

Calling on National and International networks of solidarity for support.

“We saw African and global leaders respond — and that shifted attention and pressure toward what was happening in Uganda.”

Building a base that is ready to mobilize in key moments.

“They didn’t know when the next election would be, so they wanted to make sure their base had built enough power that, whenever an election was called, they could mobilize immediately.”

Building resilient grassroots structures.

“You need a framework that consistently invites people in, provides moral clarity about what you’re trying to accomplish, and brings others along in the work… it needs clear goals, clear processes for onboarding people, and defined resources.”

Investing in leadership development.

“I’ve seen movements fizzle out again and again because of weak leadership. And we don’t invest enough in cultivating new leaders.”

The post Beyond elections, where do we go from here? appeared first on Blueprints for Change.

Our June call was an opportunity for GGSN members from India to give an overview of the situation in their region, and of the challenges they’re facing. Our September call brought together folks to discuss challenges and approaches for addressing rising authoritarianism generally. Our November call was a funder education event on the state of grassroots activism globally. Our October call featured discussion on accountability to launch our Accountability checklist, which coincides with our collaboratively developed Charter for equitable relationships between NGOs/funders and grassroots groups.

This summary does not cover all aspects of this topic. Rather, it provides a snapshot for some of the challenges and strategies relevant to grassroots organizing and support around the globe.

Quotes from discussion have been anonymized.

Overview of the situation in Southeast Asia

Waves of autocratization have been non-linear; most Southeast asian countries are in the same position.

“In Thailand, the biggest progressive party was dissolved by the monarchy. Smaller political parties were also dissolved. Myanmar is the biggest issue in the region, where the Junta facilitated a coup. In the Philippines, Marcos and Duterte continue to hold power; all power lies in two families. They have killed thousands of people in their war on drugs. In Indonesia, a murderous general is now president. In New Zealand, the conservatives have gained power. This is very reflective of the situation in Asia.”

Grassroots activists are pushed underground due to advanced surveillance.

“The Chinese government had drones fly over us and take photos to manipulate and amplify; these kind of tactics are used to scare activists in Thailand, China, the Philippines, this is happening all across Asia. Activists are hesitant to engage with cross-border organizations because of the real threats they’re facing. Especially in regions like Myanmar, beyond security and democratic backsliding, there are so many other issues they’re grappling with too.”

A culture of security is more important than the platforms themselves. 

“We are proactive with simulation audits, and scenario mapping to identify different risks. We have developed our own templates and tools for categorizing information and identifying who needs to have access to what. When contacting government officials, we rely on the back up of organizations to not expose our personal identities. Services like proton are safer but have a barrier of accessibility due to the prices. If a government wants to take you, they will despite the tools used. If we focus too much on security issues, we become alienated for acting on human right, since we feel like we are committing a crime. It is necessary to keep a balance.”

The main expressions of resistance; political parties exist in most of these countries, or they form new groups but find difficulty grappling with power.

“There’s trans-local and transnational approaches, such as the Milk Tea Alliance. It started with a # on twitter, which transformed from an expression of resistance into a space to collaborate and collectivize people. The alliance has come together against the occupation in Hong Hong, and for Thailand for the dissolution of their political party, and now for Myanmar. We are also present in the streets.”

Overview of the situation in India

The political context across the country

“For the last 10 years, the government has had openly fascist agendas. Minority groups, Indigenous communities, coastal communities and farmers are all groups that continue to be vulnerable alongside everybody who is fighting for civil rights…

These groups are also facing increasing amounts of climate threats. The Indian political landscape is not acting on the climate crisis. Even the other somewhat moderate political leaders and parties are yet to show awareness of the crisis.”

Context in Kashmir

“Young people are joining armed resistance, with no other option against the military state. The state is using chemical weapons to punish them. Locals are also punished; they’re framed and killed for crimes they didn’t commit. The media has been silenced. The government is taking land for tourism projects.

There is no political space in Kashmir. Leadership, journalists, activists are behind bars to send a message to people not to act. Civil societies are not producing research; the goal is to survive these times. The human rights commission is not working across the country, but especially in Kashmir. Cases can’t even be registered.”

Context in Jammu

“Jammu is a Hindi majority area, there’s some repression in the area. There have been internal issues between Kashmir and Jammu since 1947, which have been exploited by fascist government. The strategy of the government has been disconnecting these regions economically, so the local economies have been disrupted, with resources being corporatized. The government has worked to polarize these groups from their interdependence, and severe dialogue between Jammu and Kashmir.

Our climate action group began in 2019. We have a law in Jammu that prevents assembling for protests. However, many topics are depoliticized, such as environmental projects. There was no interference from police, just surveillance. Notably, Hindu communities (like the majority involved in this group) have more privilege.”

There’s a serious lack of legal support.

“A lot of youth collectives do rapid response, and when activists get arrested, there’s no structure for support in India. Amnesty and Greenpeace have programs where they provide immediate assistance to activists if they get arrested. But in India, we don’t have that. It’s just DIY solutions, no lawyers.”

Kenyan finance bill protests (against tax increases) were successful.

“Mobilizations were led by grassroots groups, with considerations for women, youth, and disabled people… Certain organizations could have been targeted by the government, but they could not identify a single specific organizer. Decentralization was the strength. These mobilizations activated people that were not involved in activism before, which is now having lasting impacts on movements in the country.”

Overview of the situation in Türkiye

How rising authoritarianism is impacting funding

Laws on preventing financing terrorism are being created to investigate civil society organizations, to prevent funding from abroad, and to shrink civil spaces. Funders are giving up on countries when things get bad, leaving grassroots more exposed.

Accounts are being frozen, and activists are being arrested, which incurs additional costs and financial insecurity.

Government responses to NGOs vs the grassroots

Ongoing challenges to NGO/grassroots partnerships (to fight authoritarianism)

There are divides within funding organizations/NGOs. Some people say we need to listen to the grassroots, others are more conservative. This can be influenced by geography, hierarchy, and whether staff do grassroots organizing and/or are part of marginalized groups themselves.

Funding and decision making is often top-down. Groups are implementing donor, rather than community, wants/needs. Funder/NGO priorities often shift, which restricts long term planning, sustainability and effectiveness.

The institutionalization of groups can slow things down and de-radicalize their actions and approach. There are also clear power dynamics between precarious organizers and paid staff. NGOs can become ‘brokers’ between funders and the grassroots, when the grassroots isn’t funded directly due to ‘risks’.

What support could look like

• Peer-to-peer knowledge exchange spaces to share lessons from other countries where authoritarianism is strong.
• Apprenticeship and continued eduction programs to support activists and groups self reliance.
• Community and independent media needs to be funded.
• Protection networks such as a legal hotline for local advice.
• Solidarity beyond statements, such as cross-border alliances for targeting the government embassies of neighbouring countries
• Examples of alternative systems being created for self-sustaining communities
• Rather than big companies coming into other countries, local private companies can invest in resistance as local funders; good for business.
• The work of organizers (funding for grassroots work) can be explained as service contracts to avoid surveillance.
• Translation support; language barrier creates a lack of access to resources.

The post Addressing rising authoritarianism appeared first on Blueprints for Change.

The current situation in Myanmar

Mandatory conscription and extreme violence

Since the attempted coup took place, the Junta has killed thousands of civilians including women and children.

For the past few months, the Junta has been putting up operations to bomb hospitals and schools in areas that are controlled by Myanmar resistance groups. In April 2023, the Junta took up an operation of aerial bombing in a village that took 165 lives.

The Military Junta enforced the Myanmar Conscription Law, forcing peoples of Myanmar age 18-35 to serve the Military Junta. The Junta is currently on its second wave of recruitment.

Since the active enforcement of the law, young people and their families have started fleeing and are now displaced in Mae Sot or in the areas of Myanmar that are controlled by resistance groups (liberated areas). Some are committing suicide to prevent from hurting other people and becoming human shields.

The Junta remains active in arresting political activists in the country.

Displacement and Migration

“Many Burmese people have been forced to flee in Mae Sot, the border of Thailand and Myanmar… One of the primary efforts of [our organization] is supporting displaced Burmese people and giving them necessary information.”

Economic Situation

“Prices of basic commodities have skyrocketed since the coup, making food and other household needs inaccessible to many… Many are in an internet blackout, and supplies to villages have been cut.”

How activists are showing solidarity

In Myanmar

The Blood Money Campaign aims to pressure companies that keep doing business with the military junta – especially countries that remain to trade jet fuel for the Junta.

[Our organization] has also been campaigning against the conscription law enforced by the Junta. Currently, we are collecting statements and mobilizing direct actions to stop the forced recruitment of young people.

In Thailand

Resistance groups have been lobbying, protesting and planning direct actions for a concrete action plan of the Thai government regarding the Military Junta. Thailand’s policy on the Myanmar issue is importance because of Mae Sot that sits on the border of Myanmar.

In the Philippines

The Philippines have formed a broad solidarity network for Myanmar. The network has been active in organizing protest actions and other creative protest actions to bring light on the situation of Myanmar.

The network has also lobbied the Philippine Government to fully recognize the National Unity Government (the democratically elected government of Myanmar headed by Aung San Suu Kyi) as the official government of Myanmar.

The UN and ASEAN continue to recognize the Military Junta as the official government of Myanmar.

Ways to support outside of Asia

• Provide these organizers contacts to journalists and writers to raise awareness.
• Provide monetary aid to sustain the resistance movement; most NGOs and funders pulled out of the region.
• Sign their statement in solidarity: Tinyurl.com/sol4burma
  • Consider having your organization release a solidarity statement against the military conscription law, against the actions of the junta and for democracy.
• If you are part of a student organization, amplify what is happening to young people in Myanmar.

The post What’s happening in Myanmar, and how can you help? appeared first on Blueprints for Change.

Many protestors were killed in these protests, many were also injured. Following actions, many activists faced abduction. There were also reports of infiltration. As a result of the protests, Kenya’s President removed budget lines, and fired the cabinet.

Quotes from group discussion have been anonymized.

Takeaways from this moment

“The protest is a cumulation of many issues; the finance bill was a trigger for all these grievances; housing, health etc. The bill was a commonality.”

“This is a question of ‘Finya’ (to keep pressing): Where we go next goes back to what it’s all about; basic health, education, infrastructure like roads.”

“The bill has been translated into 20 different languages, so that the information reaches more people… someone made a website on everyone in the cabinet; their salaries etc. to make this information more available.”

Sustaining accountability beyond ‘Ruto must go’

• • Advocating for the government to implement the public Participation Act, which could change the trajectory of how communities can prioritize development needs.
  • Advocating for yearly audits for MPs, wealth declaration etc for those in power.
  • Helping young people use their voice in budget proposals and policy involvement.
  • Education for young people to understand the budget making processes and what it means to advocate for expenditure, etc.
  • Translating all documents, including the constitution, into local languages.
  • Supporting young people to register as voters and take part in electing their leaders. 18-30yrs olds hardly voted in the last election.
  • Support amplifying the ongoing issue of abduction and murdering of young people.

Further questions

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