Written by Jacob Okumu

A protesters throws back a tear gas canister at police during 2024 protests (AP Photo/ Andrew Kasuku)

June 2025 marks one year since Kenya found itself at a historic crossroads. Young people, forming the majority of the population, fuelled by frustration and yearning for dignity, poured into the streets in the hundreds of thousands in major towns and cities across the country. They protested as an expression of their dissatisfaction with the government led by President Ruto.

What started as cries against the draconian Finance Bill 2024 that threatened to increase and introduce more taxes onto the already overburdened citizens, quickly  metamorphosed into a vote of no confidence on the government, with the majority of the youthful protesters calling for the President to resign.

The rallies were defiant, hopeful, and deeply patriotic. But they were also tragic. Over 60 lives were lost, among them a 12-year-old child whose only crime was dreaming of a better future. More than 600 others were left nursing wounds inflicted by the very state that swore to protect them.

Today, as the dust of those momentous days settles, Kenyans are asking: was it worth it? What did we gain, and how have we sustained those gains in the face of continued repression?

The Gains: A Nation Awakened

For many, the protests were a painful but necessary awakening. The Finance Bill was eventually watered down, with some of its most draconian provisions scrapped in response to public pressure. But perhaps the deeper victory lay not in the fine print of legislation, but in the spirit of resistance that was born.

Ordinary Kenyans discovered their collective power. The protests stitched together a sense of shared destiny across tribe, class, and region. For the first time in years, young people felt they could confront the state not as passive subjects but as active citizens.

One year later, this culture of vigilance has not waned. Social accountability is at its peak. Citizens are more outspoken, more willing to protest, and less easily cowed by threats. The fire lit in June 2024 continues to burn.

The Costs: Blood, Fear, and Abductions

Despite the gains, the costs remain unbearable. The ghosts of the slain still haunt us. Families are left with empty chairs at dinner tables, parents with gaping wounds where their children once were. Activists whisper that the price paid in blood is too high, especially when justice remains elusive.

The government, rather than heeding the call for reform, has doubled down. Police killings persist, often with impunity. In a chilling turn, abduction has become a new weapon of silence. Activists vanish in the dead of night, only to resurface days later battered—or never to return at all. Fear stalks the movement, but fear has not killed it.

A Culture of Protest

If anything, repression has fertilized the soil of defiance. Regular protests now erupt over issues ranging from corruption scandals to skyrocketing food prices. What once felt exceptional has become almost routine: Kenyans on the streets, placards in hand, voices raised in unison.

This normalization of protest—what some call “protestism”—is reshaping civic life. More people, even those who once dismissed demonstrations as the work of radicals, now see protest as a legitimate and necessary tool of democracy. The youth, in particular, have embraced it as part of their identity, an inheritance they refuse to surrender.

At the Grassroots: Picking Up the Pieces

At the grassroots level, where wounds are most raw, activists carry the heaviest burden. During the protest they the were the ones comforting bereaved families, organizing medical support for the injured, and rallying communities long after the cameras have left. One year after, they are the ones left to pick the pieces.

For them, the protests were not a moment but a movement, and sustaining it is backbreaking work. They speak of exhaustion, of the loneliness that comes when the headlines fade, of the surveillance and not to mention the pressure of continuing to pursue justice.

For them, the struggle persists, and still, they have to keep showing up. The resilience of grassroots activists is perhaps the truest testament to the sacrifices made last year.

Was It Worth It?

So, was it worth it? The answer is complicated. No victory can justify the lives lost, the broken bodies, the tears of mothers burying their children. And yet, to dismiss those sacrifices as meaningless would be to dishonour the very patriots who stood tall.

The Finance Bill protests forced a reckoning. They reminded a generation of its power and forced those in authority to confront people unwilling to be silenced. One year later, Kenya is more vigilant, more restless, and more insistent on accountability.

The struggle is far from over. But perhaps that is the point: democracy is never a destination, but only a journey. The patriots of June 2024 showed us the way, in blood and in courage. It falls on us, the living, to ensure their sacrifice was not in vain.

Support gaps identified from finance bill protests

• Psychological support often falls on communities. Professional support often requires funding. This is further burdening most impacted community members.
• Media support; when big movement moments pass, critical work is still happening. This work becomes more dangerous when awareness and attention are pulled away rapidly.
• Training offerings to further skill up organizers often require funding; this excludes grassroots activists who need this support most.
• Counter-surveillance methods are falling on communities to find ways of addressing. Communities need access to knowledge and funding to implement preventative/counter measures.

The post Insight from the frontlines – Kenya appeared first on Blueprints for Change.

Anonymous author

Dr Umar Khalid, a young muslim man, has been in prison for 5 years, without trial. Each bail application has been rejected – all the way from the sessions court, to high courts to the supreme court.

His crime? He gave a speech upholding the Indian Constitution that guarantees every citizen of India their rights and freedoms. He fought against a discriminatory citizenship amendment bill, which caused widespread protests against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) conservative regime. The Modi government accused Khalid of being a key conspirator in the 2020 Delhi riots that Modi’s party officials themselves have been openly seen inciting.

“We won’t respond to violence with violence. We won’t respond to hate with hate. If they spread hate, we will respond to it with love.” -Dr Umar Khalid

Umar Khalid’s case is not an anomaly. It is not a singular case of the failure of Indian judiciary or of gross misuse of terror laws. It is part of a long list of civil rights violations carried out by the Indian State apparatus against anyone that dares to oppose its economic and developmental policies.

Modi’s Rise to Power

Modi became a household name in 2014. Fronted by his political party, BJP, his political campaign was the first to use social media, PR agencies and corporate style advertisements to court voters. His campaign openly used the power of misinformation to twist historical facts to suit Hindutva Ideology, and to attack critics who dared to confront him. Authoritarianism thrives where there is ignorance.

A poor education system, a society that does not know or value its history, that is excessively obsessed with capitalist growth and development, a society that allows hate and bigotry to fester unchallenged, is a society that can be made to give up its rights and its freedoms.

Christophe Jafferlot, an expert on the rise of right-wing politics in India, classifies modern India as a system of electoral authoritarianism. Elections have not been suspended, but there is an exponential rise in authoritarianism. This is achieved by interfering with institutions in charge of organizing elections, making competition unequal in terms of financial resources, and restricting freedom of expression, including media independence.

As of 2025, India has reached a point where ALL of its democratic institutions – all the way from its judiciary, investigation bodies, central banks, enforcement directorates, elections commission, media and parliament have been captured.

Modi’s India now shares several similarities and patterns with Israel. This is most apparent in the rise in Israel-like tactics to subdue and subjugate minority groups. There is a chilling similarity between India’s use of bulldozers to demolish Muslim homes and businesses and Israel’s use of similar tactics to demolish Palestinian homes and properties.

India’s close friendship with Israel has resulted in arms deals that include spywares and other surveillance softwares – one of which, (Pegasus) has  been used to target Indian activists and journalists critical of the State.

A Step Back To Pre-2014 India

This slide into authoritarianism and use of terror laws to subdue, intimidate and wrongfully imprison dissenters did not begin with Modi’s regime.

While it is true that the misuse and abuse of the UAPA (Unlawful Activities Prevention Act) – the primary terror law being used in India today – has been higher under the BJP government, it was under previous governments that these colonial legacy laws were formed, strengthened and allowed to continue.

The National investigation Agency (NIA) was formed in 2008 under the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government. The abuse of power and use of State violence against voices that oppose the State’s economic/development policies is not unique to the current regime.

Violence against marginalized communities, particularly Indigenous groups, had been normalized by successive governments. The UPA government designated these individuals as terrorists and/or people committing terrorist acts for interfering with economic development projects, which threaten natural resources and land rights of Indigenous Peoples.

In India today, the authoritarianism under Modi and BJP is a logical conclusion to the path chosen by successive governments and its people. In failing to chart its own unique path – one that could have put ecological conservation and human rights at the center – and following in the footsteps of the western models of capitalist, imperialistic development instead – India and its people have made a grave mistake.

Impacts on Civil Society Groups/NGOs/Grassroots Groups

Specific examples of attacks on activists, and their charges, include:

• Newsclick, a media house critical of the government, offices were raided in 2023 and a number of journalists were interrogated and falsely charged with ‘receiving money to run pro-China propaganda’.
• Teesta Satalvad, secretary of the human rights organization ‘Citizens for Justice and Peace’, was arrested in 2022 under fraudulent charges. Satalvad has been demanding justice for the 2002 Gujarat riots victims and has been seeking prosecution of senior government officials.
• Safoora Zargar was framed on charges of “anti-national” activities, conspiring to overthrow the government. She was arrested in 2021 and thrown in prison while she was still pregnant. It was only after pressure from International humanitarian groups that she was granted bail.
• Disha Ravi – the co convenor of Fridays For Future – India Chapter was arrested under sedition law during the farmers movement of 2020.
• In 2019, the websites of three environmental youth based collectives were suspended for launching a nationwide campaign against the central government’s attempts to dilute one of the environmental regulatory provisions of India.

Role of Support Organizations (NGOs/funders)

Support organizations must develop a strong understanding of the political landscape of the region and communities where support is targeted. Without such an understanding, the flow of resources easily becomes diverted and diffused into campaigns that have little bearing on the real-life experiences of those living under unjust systems.

In an authoritarian environment, the role of support organizations becomes crucial. Ensuring that support organizations do not back down and withdraw resources because the environment is challenging is of the utmost importance.

India today requires support to set up awareness amongst its people, particularly its youth. Groups that are setting up alternative education curriculums, workshops, conducting trainings to generate political literacy amongst young voters, are severely under supported. Citizen groups that conduct research, data collection, and investigative reporting need funds and resources.

Independent media is critical in a democracy – and that has collapsed entirely in India. The few that remain are being targeted, jailed and harassed. Independent journalism is another area that can benefit immensely with financial support. Think tanks, policy advocacy organizations need to be restored. Environmental and human rights groups need resources so they can continue to fight, campaign, generate awareness, and pursue legal avenues of justice.

Grassroots activists need support systems so they are protected and do not have to face the brunt of state violence alone. Legal and monetary support are crucial to grassroots groups that are fighting along the frontlines and are the primary targets of state sponsored violence.

Suggested reflective questions

• What similarities can you identify between your region and India pre-2014? Are there similarities to present day India?
• Have any of the democratic institutions in your region been captured by the state (judiciary, investigation bodies, central banks, enforcement directorates, elections commission, media and parliament)?
• Can you identify tactics from other repressive regions that your region is also using to target marginalized groups and/or activists?
• How are various marginalized groups (Indigenous, disabled, houseless, trans etc) treated in your region when they exist, or resist?
• What key area is your group/organization aiming to address, of those that continue to be necessary as authoritarianism progresses (alternative education, research, independent media, legal aid, physical safety aid, direct action)?
• What could solidarity with activists in India look like for our organization/group?

The post Insight from the frontlines – India appeared first on Blueprints for Change.